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Introduction[ edit ] The German opposition and resistance movements consisted of disparate political and ideological strands, which represented different classes of German society and were seldom able to work together — indeed for much of the period there was little or no contact between the different strands of resistance.
A few civilian resistance groups developed, but the Army was the only organisation with the capacity to overthrow the government, and from within it a small number of officers came to present the most serious threat posed to the Nazi regime.
The individuals in this group began to assist their Jewish friends as early as Dietrich Bonhoeffer at Sigurdshof, Christian churches, Catholic and Protestant, contributed another source of opposition.
Their stance was symbolically significant. The churches, as institutions, did not openly advocate for the overthrow of the Nazi state, but they remained one of the very few German institutions to retain some independence from the state, and were thus able to continue to co-ordinate a level of opposition to Government policies.
More than Germans have been recognised for this. The German Army, the Foreign Office and the Abwehrthe military intelligence organization became sources for plots against Hitler in and again inbut for a variety of reasons could not implement their plans.
After the German defeat in the Business presentation ending quotes of criminal minds of Stalingrad inthey contacted many army officers who were convinced that Hitler was leading Germany to disaster, although fewer who were willing to engage in overt resistance.
Active resisters in this group were frequently drawn from members of the Prussian aristocracy.
Almost every community in Germany had members taken away to concentration camps. As early as there were jingles warning: By July all other political parties and the trade unions had been suppressed, the press and radio brought under state control, and most elements of civil society neutralised.
The breaking of the power of the SA in the " Night of the Long Knives " in July ended any possibility of a challenge from the "socialist" wing of the Nazi Party, and also brought the army into closer alliance with the regime. The failures of the Weimar Republic had discredited democracy in the eyes of most Germans.
The Gestapo frequently infiltrated these networks, and the rate of arrests and executions of SPD and KPD activists was high, but the networks continued to be able recruit new members from the industrial working class, who resented the stringent labour discipline imposed by the regime during its race to rearm.
The exiled SPD leadership in Prague received and published accurate reports of events inside Germany. But beyond maintaining their existence and fomenting industrial unrest, sometimes resulting in short-lived strikes, these networks were able to achieve little.
Although the Nazi Party had taken control of the German state, it had not destroyed and rebuilt the state apparatus in the way the Bolshevik regime had done in the Soviet Union.
Institutions such as the Foreign Office, the intelligence services and, above all, the army, retained some measure of independence, while outwardly submitting to the new regime. Most ended up either imprisoned or murdered by the regime. This circle survived even when the ardent Nazi Joachim von Ribbentrop succeeded Neurath as foreign minister.
The key figure here was Colonel Hans Osterhead of the Military Intelligence Office fromand an anti-Nazi from as early as Hjalmar Schachtthe governor of the Reichsbankwas also in touch with this opposition. They recognised that it was impossible to stage any kind of open political resistance.
This was not, as is sometimes stated, because the repressive apparatus of the regime was so all-pervasive that public protest was impossible — as was shown when Catholics protested against the removal of crucifixes from Oldenburg schools inand the regime backed down.
While resistance movements in the occupied countries could mobilise patriotic sentiment against the German occupiers, in Germany the resistance risked being seen as unpatriotic, particularly in wartime. Even many army officers and officials who detested Hitler had a deep aversion to being involved in "subversive" or "treasonous" acts against the government.
But it was a long time before any significant number of Germans came to accept this view. Many clung to the belief that Hitler could be persuaded to moderate his regime, or that some other more moderate figure could replace him. Some oppositionists were devout Christians who disapproved of assassination as a matter of principle.
Others, particularly the army officers, felt bound by the personal oath of loyalty they had taken to Hitler in Some oppositionists were liberals who opposed the ideology of the Nazi regime in its entirety, and who wished to restore a system of parliamentary democracy.
Some favored restoring the Hohenzollern dynastywhile others favored an authoritarian, but not Nazi, regime.
Because of their many differences, the opposition was unable to form a united movement, or to send a coherent message to potential allies outside Germany. From the outset of Nazi rule inissues emerged which brought the churches into conflict with the regime. In fact those reservations gradually came to form a coherent, systematic critique of many of the teachings of National Socialism.
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Introduction. The German opposition and resistance movements consisted of disparate political and ideological strands, which represented different classes of German society and were seldom able to work together – indeed for much of the period there was little or . Medical Dark Ages Quotes. By Wade Frazier.
Revised in July Introduction.
Section 1. Section 2. Section 3. Section 4. Section 5. Section 6. Section 7.